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10 thoughts on “Ukraine/Russia and Ourselves

  1. I had been wondering: why would anyone use language that has such obvious echoes of Hitlerian language? Wouldn’t any politician today know to hide that sort of thing? But the explanation that these echoes are part of a strategy of intimidation makes sense. Ah, Russia. I usually feel like a stray dog that peeps into the window of Dr. Pavlov’s laboratory, asking himself, “Why are all those dogs going crazy? All he did is ring a bell, big deal, so what!”

  2. Presumed abilities of self-reflection tend to end at that windowpane, where — contrary to Haun’s metaphor — one set of Pavlov’s dogs usually suspiciously peeks into another experimenter’s laboratory.

    The immigrant’s burden is identifying intensely personal, idiosyncratic feelings and intuitions with something as complex as “a culture,” laminated onto “a nation”. It’s fine if like Nabokov in Ada, you then create an imaginary, nicer nation just to the north that you people with those who understand your trilingual puns and family genealogies. Some other readers with your taste might pick it up and love your story. But cultural producers, in Russia and outside — in the best traditions of the Russian intelligentsia — often claim the right to generalize (they speak a ‘higher-scale’ language of progressive critique, after all). They tend to mix the genre of personal chronicle with political analysis. While “insiders,” like Dowd or Brooks taking unfounded, strong stances in print, is one thing, an immigrant like Masha Gessen taking strong stances in a column on Russia in the NYT has a totally different geopolitical effect.

    Adorno and Horkheimer, for all their brilliance, could be faulted for presenting their powerful feelings and intuitions about “mass culture” and “the masses” as a qualitative basis for critique. Russian intelligentsia types take their feelings (often, these involve repulsion towards “chaos and bad taste” and a sense of “shame”) and pair them with a serving of “unfiltered” Facebook. The result is lovely, lyrical sketches that (often despite authorial intentions) circulate as expert insights into the state of the nation.

    Though such pronouncements are not based on “thick descriptions,” or “thick experiences” with different kinds of peopled space-times within Russia, they circulate as such merely because they are about another culture. Such “fate of Russia” mediations, produced by a cluster of people with high cultural capital in Moscow and abroad — due to uneven distribution of that cultural capital — circulate back to these other peopled time-spaces within Russia. In these other chronotopes, global intelligentsia narratives are encountered by social activists trying to untangle their local political processes and advocate for changes to things they have thick experiences with. They have to wrestle with global ideas about “Russia” (brought to them by experts) such as that the frenzied masses have totally internalized propaganda and will not respond to dialog; that the only options left to rational people with taste are to immigrate, externally or internally; that Russia has no future; that the Russian people are not subjects but objects of history. Such narratives do circulate from global “centers” to “peripheries”, and are powerful.

    The Russian “Ministry of Culture will define from now on what this culture is on the basis of Mr. Putin’s vision” — because over there, as always, Pavlov is in charge of “culture” — not just a ministry. He has the power to “erase from Russian consciousness.” Semiosis always ends on our side of the windowpane, through which we’re peeking in.

    Over there propaganda is internalized, TV is faithfully believed, and the masses are always in a frenzy. A century later, historians will dig through archives and discover that complex social processes took place even in “Putin’s Russia”. That even TV propaganda needs “uptake”, and this uptake varies. That describing cultures and nations using terms for personal relationships and psychology can be a problem if actors with high cultural capital continue to do this, with the desire to enlighten. Spreading simple stories about complex societies to those who are in positions to develop their own, richer, stories (inevitable because of global cultural flows) is a risk that American academics – and Russian intelligentsia – have to be more keenly aware of.

  3. Such attempts to discredit the political emigrants because of their geographical location, to present the position of dissent as one lacking the knowledge of their country “have happened before” too. Please see on this my article “‘Bizarre Epik des Augenblicks’: Gottfried Benn’s ‘Answer to the Literary Emigrants’ in the Context of his Early Prose.” German Studies Review, 33.1 (2010): 119-140.

  4. I’m really sorry if I gave the impression I was trying to discredit anyone, let alone emigrants. I should’ve edited my comment better before posting it.

    Masha Gessen lived in Russia while she wrote for the NYT. Horkeheimer and Adorno lived with mass culture. Russian intelligentsia members such as Sorokin live in Russia as well. The mismatch between the publics they write for and about, combined with the presumption on the part of the former that they are experts on the latter (e.g. the masses), is the part that gives me pause.

    The emigrant’s problem only becomes a problem when it involves moving up “scales” of sociolinguistic and geopolitical hierarchy and discursive authority, rather than just across borders. It’s also a problem plaguing all sorts of experts. When and how do expertise and authority transfers between different domains? If I’m an expert in one domain but a native of another, do I have to voice caveats about my nature of expertise on the latter?

    We all lack knowledge on most aspects of “our country”, whatever that country may be, whether we live there or not. Do we have more of a responsibility to hedge our claims to knowledge of it in our representations, if we are more powerfully positioned in producing that knowledge? I guess this is rather banal, in the sense that it is something every academic participating in public discourse has to struggle with.

    But I wish Masha Gessen would refrain from writing things like “most of our fellow citizens take the side of cattle (bydlo) against enlightenment” and the like — while as her expertise is entirely on elite discourses and institutions.

  5. However, you cite Russia “experts” in support of your assessments of how “the abusive one-man government”, can “erase from Russian consciousness”, “define from now on what [Russian] culture is”, etc.

    To me this is a bit like (forgive the somewhat stretched comparison) someone leaving small-town Texas, for instance, and then saying, those people are a lost cause; if you need proof, just look at the sensationalist media pundits saying that all those people are gun-slinging idiots whipped into a frenzy by Fox news. In the US, at least, one can and does find more nuanced analyses of those politically incorrect masses in small-town places.

    Thus, I think the problem is just the nature of Russia expertise available in the US, or in the public domain.

    Your lovely and hopeful personal statement about the Slavic family is not, of course, part of the problem!

  6. Prosto Klava’s neat dichotomy between the status of an expert and a native is a concept that has lost any intellectual value a long time ago. The danger of reviving this split has numerous counterproductive implications. Should Vladimir Nabokov or Josif Brodsky work as university professors (and at major universities for that matter), since they had no Ph.D. degrees? Or, more to the point so vigorously taken by Prosto Klava… Should this ‘division of labor’ be applicable in the case of a concentration camp prisoner, let’s say, Primo Levi, who became an expert on Auschwitz in his life after Auschwitz? He never shied from referencing his personal experience and ventured to describe the condition of “The Intellectual in Auschwitz” in his major work The Drowned and the Saved. His personal testimony enhances and authenticates his conceptualization of a survivor.
    Levi’s case is not rare: mixing theory with one’s personal experience is a respected strategy whose results often are indirect, but can be more affective. Olga Solovieva has just done something similar, even though she later made a disclaimer about her expertise in things Russian; she created a dialogic movement between her experience and her knowledge, while simultaneously wearing the scholar’s glasses and engaging her memory. Only then she was able to communicate with an intellectual rigor her responsibility (or burden) of being a Russian citizen fuori le mura.

  7. Hmm… I guess “expert” means different things to different people. (Although Nabokov as expert on post-revolutionary Russia would not, I admit, get my personal, very anonymous, stamp of approval). To me expertise means a carefully balanced structure of answerability and responsibility and…time.

    In “a dialogic movement between experience and knowledge” — the knowledge is a bit more “knowledge” than experience — or a bit more “expert”, in my sense, if it has available other decent sources of expertise to interlocute with. The variety, in the case of Russianist scholarship, is not great. None of this really has to do with the current post — except, perhaps the list of cited experts.

  8. Thank you for your insights in Russian history mixed with your past personal experiences. Great analysis of the relationship between the two states of Ukraine and Russia and the things happened to Crimea in the last year. Sad to see that history repeats itself as a farce, a parody on the tragedy once left. But the parody turns into a tragedy again – this is much more sad to see.

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