As the leaves appear on the trees, as the lawns turn green again, as the libraries glow with lamplight late into the night and exams approach, the New York Times publishes another article urging the reinvention of the American university. Deans and professors will print it out and make a mental note to reread it over the summer. Parents and trustees may come to graduation ceremonies clutching a copy and wanting to talk about it. It may sink in. If the economic situation gets worse, it may come in handy as a set of pretexts. I'd like to try to answer some of the article's claims, speculate about its effects, and situate it in a sociology of knowledge about the academy.
The most attention-getting part of Mark C. Taylor's op-ed piece is the call to abolish tenure and academic departments. He thinks a university should consist of “problem-centered programs” assembled on the quick and periodically evaluated for relevance. I personally would probably enjoy that, though I might not like moving house every few years. But I doubt it would be good for higher education generally.
“Down with tenure! Down with departments!” These are not new ideas; they've been around for as long as tenure and the department system, in other words, since the professionalization of university teachers circa 1900. The reasonings are the same too: I can show you a stack of clippings from the early part of the 20th century in which departments are said to be fortresses resistant to change, tenure is said to provide a comfy featherbed for do-nothing professors, and research for the sake of gaining tenure is described as the acquisition of mastery over a meaninglessly narrow field of information. Surely Professor Taylor, whose books show him to be a well-read and agile mind, can't believe that uttering these stock critiques is anything but a ritual occurrence in an oft-repeated scenario.
And that scenario is: calling the university to account, demanding that it serve the immediate purposes of society (or-- put your sociology of knowledge hat on-- of a fraction of people claiming to speak on behalf of society). Those purposes, it is claimed, should take priority over any purposes the university, or its departments, or its professors, might have devised for themselves. The accusation of self-indulgence and immobility leveled at departments and professors serves to discredit in advance any defense they might mount. Put them on the run, cut off their oxygen, redirect the energy and resources of the university to the things that we all know are crucial, and let the ones who don't get with the program find whatever jobs they can. And naturally, the prime targets of critique and candidates for removal are scholars and teachers of the humanities-- of the stuff that is perhaps true, beautiful and good, but mainly historical and thought to be useless.
At various moments in the twentieth century the great causes for which the university was to be mobilized were: war work (ideological support in the form of courses that affirmed the nobility of our war aims; technological support and design of new weapons; anthropological support of the investigation of the enemy's mentality); moral rearmament in the fight against Communism; “relevance,” in the vocabulary of the diffuse dissatisfaction of the Vietnam era and just afterwards; career preparation, as the postwar plenty turned into an increasingly steep competition for the bigger rewards. And I'm leaving out purposes that galvanized subsets of the academy, colleges sponsored by churches, for example. The list is not meant to be exhaustive: I just want to call attention to the repeated demand that is addressed to the university to respond to the present crisis, whatever it is. There's nothing wrong with society, or specific actors in society, making such demands. Higher education is a precious resource, to be used and developed, not just admired. But the air of authority with which such demands are uttered doesn't automatically persuade. Consider, for example, the way that the majority of the Vietnam generation of students and professors refused to be mobilized for the sake of defeating communism, and answered with their symmetrical but antithetical demand for “relevance,” that is, courses and programs that would teach them how to live otherwise than as part of the national “machine.” Nobody can leave the university alone.
So take the gesture with a grain of salt: it's utterly conventional to say that the academy is failing to rise to the demands of the “real world” and to demand that it convert or die.
It is similarly conventional to put the blame on tenure and departments. Historically, tenure and departments are tightly related. Get out your Max Weber: it's all about the autonomy of professional communities. A department is simply the group of people who are qualified, by being experts in a similar domain of knowledge, to pass judgment on your work and vote on your tenure (that is, your career-long security of employment). By creating departments, deans and presidents of universities recognized that they were not always the experts, that their administrative reach did not automatically empower them to say what was good scholarship. They left that up to the departments; and to this day, departments feel injury and outrage when a dean goes against their vote.
The creation of a department, then, means that a university has agreed to hand over a certain packet of resources to be dedicated to a domain of knowledge and managed by the people who know about it. Now of course there are rich departments and poor departments; big ones and small ones; powerful ones and weak ones. But it is useful to think of any department, even the weakest and poorest, as a resource and as an invested trust. The university deliberately makes it harder for itself to turn that resource into fungible funds. When a department moves to grant tenure and the university approves, a financial resource is put aside for the long term and a scholarly resource is secured. Presumably this is a good deal for both parties, or it wouldn't happen. Of course you are thinking of your colleague X, who is just sitting on his tenured post and doing nothing but mowing his lawn regularly every Tuesday, but the system as a whole is supposed to absorb anecdotal deficiencies like that one. For every X there are presumably numerous people like Colleague Y, whose institutional loyalty and scholarly reputation repay the university's investment in her-- repay it so well that the university is willing to tolerate a certain number of X's in order to get the desirable Y's, by offering them the same deal. And for every weak or dysfunctional department there are some that make good hires, attract smart students, build glowing reputations, and so forth. The fact that some departments turn into sloughs of despond doesn't negate the usefulness of having departments.
If you could know in advance who is going to turn out X and who is going to turn out Y, the game would be different. The value of being certain that someone is a Y accounts for the high price of mid-career outside offers, and for the feeling-- we all have it at times, especially in mid-career when nobody has made us an offer-- that our home institutions don't appreciate us adequately. Similarly with departments: nobody knows in advance whether it will turn out to be a good bet to have a department of Geography or German. Sometimes it was a great idea at one time, then a poor idea for a while, then a good idea again as circumstances changed or the people in the department changed the way they did work in their field. Universities have more or less of an ability to hold their cards, depending on their foresight, the depth of their pockets, the degree to which they copy the behavior of their rivals.
Taylor's account is gloomier. He sees the department system as leading to
The other obstacle to change is that colleges and universities are self-regulating or, in academic parlance, governed by peer review. While trustees and administrations theoretically have some oversight responsibility, in practice, departments operate independently. To complicate matters further, once a faculty member has been granted tenure he is functionally autonomous. Many academics who cry out for the regulation of financial markets vehemently oppose it in their own departments.
If American higher education is to thrive in the 21st century, colleges and universities, like Wall Street and Detroit, must be rigorously regulated and completely restructured.
Taylor wants the department to be abolished and replaced with short-term working groups, hired to deal with a particular crisis and disbanded when the urgency of the crisis is past. But who's to say what counts as a critical topic, and who's to say who the experts are? It looks as if, with departments gone, the arbiter of academic quality is now going to be the dean. The dean will not only handle the administrative and financial operations, but will decide what the purposes of the university are at any given moment and how those purposes are to be accomplished. Imagine the results: the dean becomes an intellectual entrepreneur and the American university turns into a landscape of competing consulting firms, a thousand self-designated McKinseys without clients. (Or with one ultimate client, as in the wartime basic-science effort.) I have known many admirable deans, but I like checks and balances. And a tenured faculty that can say No to the dean without fear of being shown the door is the way to keep power from accumulating in one pair of hands. It's not just self-interest that makes tenured professors resistant; or at least it's a legitimate self-interest that benefits others beside themselves.
Taylor bemoans the increasing specialization of academic research (a theme already familiar in Max Weber's time), but his remedy is “to bring together people working on questions of religion, politics, history, economics, anthropology, sociology, literature, art, religion and philosophy to engage in comparative analysis of common problems.” This isn't going to be controversial, because we already do that: in conferences, in edited volumes, in journal numbers, in humanities centers, in co-advising dissertations, in hallway conversations. I'm sure that, to be fairer to Taylor's colleague with the Duns Scotus dissertation student, if you asked what that amazingly narrow topic was good for, the answer would have been couched in this language of interdisciplinary expansion: the small thing opens out onto the history of communication, the practices of monastic life, the spread of ideas from the Greek to the Arabic to the Latin language-spheres-- in short, it looks narrow and nerdy but the trick is to show that it isn't.
Taylor would abolish a structure that, though imperfect, supports pretty well the kind of thing he thinks of as valuable, and replace it with something that would come and go by the individual whim of administrators. The long-term investment, and thus the stockpiling of resources against future need, that made the department a useful structure for the university, would be turned into fungible cash. Taylor, born in 1945, will not have to live long with the consequences of his recommendations, even if they are adopted wholesale tomorrow. (I was born in 1960, so I'd have another 20 years to go, but the real stakeholders are those born in 1980 and thereafter.) It would be fairer, procedurally, if the debate about whether to restructure (or abolish) academic departments and tenure were conducted by people who might have to make their careers in a possibly tenure-less academy where topics of the day are generated by little emperors who quite possibly will no longer even have newspapers and magazines to give them their ideas... — a sobering prospect. I'd hope that a wide public, including people who have not yet even become part of the present system, i.e., graduate students, would have a chance to argue and speculate together, rather than the matter being left up to those who presently have the power to make the decisions. And that leads me down a side alley of demography.
Now that the “paper of record” posts its “most e-mailed” items in a steadily refreshed ranking, the media anthropologist can just sit back and watch the automated research results pour in. Who wouldn't want to have data on the New Yorker cartoons that were most frequently clipped or xeroxed and sent to friends by the readers of that august glossy? From the kinds of items that show up and stay up on the “most e-mailed” list, we get an answer to the question asked by everyone who is concerned about the survival of newspapers and news organizations: who reads the Times online and what do they focus on? It looks to me as if they are predominantly academics or people for whom the Education section is at least as important as the Health section and the recipes. Academics, therefore, of a certain age? And whose enthusiasm for heart-healthy cauliflower casseroles is matched by their indifference to whether tenure will survive to benefit those who come after them? I hope that's not the whole demographic involved in discussing the future of the university.
Thanks for this, H Saussy. I was thinking that this is just the kind of topic that printculture would have tackled in our more active heyday, but was feeling too rusty and tired to do anything about it!
And last night over dinner, C Bush made the same point you do about how that diss. on Duns Scotus could be fascinating and relevant in any number of ways.
My cynical read on Taylor's op-ed is that it's all about his desire to get in on Stanley Fish's and Paul Krugman's action at the NYT. What's left for an aging academic “star” after all the keynote addresses have been delivered and the honorary degrees accepted but to conquer the opinion pages of the “paper of record”? How else to pursue the worldly “relevance” that Taylor seems so enamored of? I found many of the readers' comments more cogent and well-reasoned than Taylor's recycling of conventional ideas, including one reader's suggestion to “go abolish your own department.” Maybe Taylor should relinquish his tenured post and go start this problem-solving working group on Water.
The bully pulpit is irresistible-- even this miniature one. I'm sure I would agree to do any number of humiliating things in public if the Times gave me a column from which to harangue the breakfast tables of America. Fortunately, temptation has not yet knocked.
One irony that I didn't get a chance to wedge in: at the moment when we all discover that Wall Street and Detroit were both living in a fictive world subtended by handouts and the Greater Fool Principle, the appeal to them as the sites of the “real world” still has traction! Comparatively speaking, I think we seminar-room warriors just gained a few points on the Reality Index.
Thanks, H Saussy. I can't imagine Kant being thrown out of his flat with his bath water (presumably by a hearty Germanic landlady; sorry for the stereotype) would be a very pretty sight in corporeality. Taylor's article reads remarkably like Kang Youwei's <i>Da tongshu</i>: a lot of “well-intentioned” suggestions without delving into the very question: is it a matter of ontology or topology?
The real (the corporate world, the government, the industry, the future of the colonial enterprise) versus the unreal (the academia) is, like his proposal, a mirror of what Taylor imagines the “outside world” imagining what the academia must look like. Has he jumped to the other side of the fence, an act of creativity that he so treasures, a leap into the dark that he would prefer leaving to his graduate or undergraduate students? Has he taken care of what the “real world” actually wants from the “unreal?” In fact, who sets up the fence anyway--those who create, or those who conserve? In this sense, has Taylor inadvertently declared himself as the very uncreative scholars who speak from the perspective of conservatism?
Indeed, if we need to promote creativity, the answer certainly would not lie in the academia's attempt to mirror what the the institution wants (be that a global or national democracy), but to invent possibilities that can open new epistemological spaces, and yes, a deeply-needed new ontology. It is easy to say that departments should be replaced by a web-like assemblage; but what constitutes a web-like assemblage is in itself questionable. Google and Wikipedia certainly does not invent a new ontology waiting to be theorised; rather, as Elsaesser suggests, the moment these ontological machines become “useful” is the moment they assimilate themselves with the ontology and epistemology to which we are familiar (the good-old encyclopaedic ontology). In this sense, what Taylor imagines to be the “real world” is not a creative Disneyland that the academia fails to mirror; rather, it conserves more what the academic sphere has tried for decades to critique, even though, as Saussy suggests, “useful” critiques might only be produced by a handful of Y's rather than X's. Nonetheless, in many cases, the Y's are not allowed to speak either by the academia or by the “real world” (so to speak) precisely because of the creativity and new epistemological space that her colleagues fail to discuss, let alone mirrors.
The question is not so much about how much the academia can mirror the “real world,” but how this dichotomy between the “real” and the “unreal” was set up in the first place to ensure the process of conservation, jointly done by both sides of the fence--the fence is therefore set up for the homo sacer to behold, whereas law-obliging citizens are always welcome to treat it as a swing door, a gesture of invitation and refusal to those who are deemed foreign to the game.
Perhaps Taylor's essay is best viewed as a job application. Or a strategy of job creation. Not bad for those religion students who can't get tenured jobs, and want to join the ranks of consultants like their economics or political science peers. The awful thing would be if he actually got the job to consult someone on restructuring academic governance.
Even from inside the walls of a religion studies department, Taylor has picked up on the governance paradigm that has become predominant in the post-colonial, post-cold-war world - the “development” intervention by international 'project' or NGO. James Ferguson describes this type of intervention as an “anti-politics machine”, and David Mosse as an institution built around bureaucratic legitimacy (as would Weber, I think).
Taylor proposes the “policy solution” for academia that in fact is most often perpetuated by academics themselves when they are lured to consulting jobs, to “make things happen” in the “real world” (they are experts, after all). It's good that this solution occasionally gets turned on the experts themselves. Perhaps it will help breed cynicism about “solutions by policy alone”. After all, policy makers, officials and experts usually “cannot think how things might improve expect by their own agency”.
'Determine', 'dictate', 'administer' - this is the paradigm of intervention with most legitimacy in places where interventions that come from 'outside' the normal legislative process are not contested. The prevalence of this paradigm coincides with the unquestioned legitimacy of the bureaucratic nation-state, with its investment in traditional legitimacy (also that of experts, consultants). The legitimacy of this form of sovereignty has risen at the cost of representative democracy, with its alternative fixation on newness and charismatic authority. Only this kind of authority can lead to what Weber saw as democratic legitimacy, when “instead of recognition being treated as a consequence of legitimacy, it is treated as the basis of legitimacy”.
Side note: It's amusing that Taylor thinks that in the real world, lucrative, important jobs would be waiting for those poor graduate students conned into academic job tracks. Is there a sudden unfilled demand for consultants? And, do consulting job tracks and business schools not create a cloning process?
Many aspects of Taylor's article rankle, including the glaring contradiction between his wanting to abolish academic departments and his suggesting that particular universities develop particular departmental strengths. And, as both H Saussy and S L Kim note, this is all very old hat.
But I happened to read Taylor's piece not long after reading an article in the Wall Street Journal by Naomi Schaefer Riley called “So You Want to Be a Professor” (http://online.wsj.com/artic...). NSR highlights the disconnect between the expectations of those entering graduate school and the realities of the job market, including a telling quote from Marc Bousquet: “Getting a Ph.D. now often means the end of an academic career rather than the beginning of one...”
What I'm (loosely) getting at is that while I do think the department-based structure of universities is largely sound, the expectations of many of those entering graduate school simply aren't. People get advanced degrees for all sorts of reasons, of course, but I'd bet that few today see a Ph.D. as a 6-8 year end in itself.
Accordingly, graduate schools owe their applicants some honesty about what they're getting themselves into. At the very least, I think Taylor's suggestion no. 5 — expand the range of professional options for graduate students — should be taken up and implemented, in non-fluff form, something like immediately.
“Informed consent” for prospective graduate students probably won't work. When I was applying to graduate school, I was well aware of the perilous state of the job market — in the late 80's! — from my graduate student friends. I just assumed that I would be at the top of the heap. I had no idea of what would be involved, or how different the skills needed for graduate school were from those needed to be an undergraduate. I didn't understand the degree of professionalism, self-motivation, and bloody-minded monomania required. But even if I had had a grasp of all these things, it would not have been even partially sufficient to survive in today's environment. In order to test these things and make sure the entering graduate students understood what they were getting into, graduate schools would have to make the application process as arduous and demanding of grit and persistence as applying for a U.S. Green Card without sponsorship. Given that departmental funding is dependent on headcount, that's not going to happen.
New suggestion, from the Wall Street Journal (http://online.wsj.com/artic...), that programs not deemed fit to survive are headed over the cliff-- the example given was (inevitably) “French literature.”
It would be good if people in the US learned any foreign language, got acquainted with any literature. We might have an easier time dealing with people, or understanding the patterns of history, for example. French literature isn't the only place to start, but not a bad one either. Sorry to be restating the obvious.
The obvious, it seems, is worth re-stating. A lot. I caught the last few minutes of the French Open and the American announcers were all so impressed that Roger Federer could so fluently address the French crowds IN FRENCH instead of English, remarking how talented Federer was for speaking more than one language, as if every other non-American tennis player wasn't also multilingual. Of course, the fact that the Swedish runner-up spoke at length in fluent English minutes before wasn't worth comment (and I'm sure the guy could speak French too).